Exemples de travaux

 

Extraits d'articles académiques (traduites) :

L’approche de la stratégie par les pratiques (ou « strategizing » ou « fabrique de la stratégie ») est une perspective de recherche où se retrouve une grande diversité d’ancrages théoriques qui partagent la préoccupation de répondre à une question commune : comment les gestionnaires font la stratégie concrètement ? (Johnson et al., 2007). S’intéresser à la stratégie sous l’angle de sa fabrication revient à « descendre » dans l’organisation pour comprendre ce que font les acteurs qui la produise. La stratégie n’est plus alors la résultante d’une décision rationnelle des « décideurs » suite à une analyse de l’environnent mais le résultat d’un processus incertain où les individus cherchent avant tout à construire collectivement le sens d’un environnement complexe. « La distinction formulation/mise en œuvre s’est effacée » (Laroche et Nioche, 2006, p.94). Il devient donc nécessaire d’ouvrir la boîte noire et de s’intéresser aux dynamiques organisationnelles : « la stratégie n’est pas quelque chose qu’une organisation possède mais quelque chose que ses membres font » (Balogun et al. 2006). 

The strategy through practice approach (or "strategizing" or "the manufacture of strategy") is a research perspective where a great diversity of theoretical anchors can be found, all of which share the aim of answering a common question: how do managers make strategy in practice? (Johnson et al., 2007). Interest in strategy in terms of its manufacture amounts to "drilling down" through the organization in order to understand what the actors who produce it do. Strategy is no longer the result of rational decisions taken by "decision makers", following an analysis of the environment, but the result of an uncertain process where individuals seek, above all, to collectively construct its meaning within a complex environment. "The formulation/ implementation distinction has been removed" (Laroche and Nioche, 2006, p.94). So, it becomes necessary to open the black box and consider organizational dynamics: "strategy is not something that an organization possesses, but something that its members do." (Balogun et al. 2006). 


… Les militants anticonsuméristes s’opposent aux pratiques commerciales des entreprises et critiquent les consommateurs ordinaires à travers différentes actions individuelles et collectives. D’un point de vue individuel, les militants anticonsuméristes prônent un mode de vie basé sur la simplicité volontaire (Zavestoski, 2002) et refusent par exemple d’acheter certaines marques. D’un point de vue collectif, les militants effectuent de nombreuses actions anticonsuméristes telles que le barbouillage de publicités, la création de festivals anticonsuméristes, et le boycott d’entreprises jugées non éthiques. 

Dans cette recherche, notre objectif est de comprendre les actions militantes anticonsuméristes. Dans la littérature, une première approche est de les analyser à travers la théorie de la mobilisation des ressources. Selon cette théorie, les mouvements sociaux critiquent la structure étatique (McCarthy et Zald, 1973). Une action militante est liée à un mouvement social lorsque son objectif est d’apporter des changements dans la politique de l’État. Les structures politiques de la société sont considérées comme étant essentielles dans l’émergence d’un mouvement social. Le développement d’actions militantes est alors conditionné par des opportunités politiques (Tilly, 2004). Par exemple, un changement de gouvernement peut engendrer le développement d’un mouvement social. Le mouvement social sera plus à même de faire évoluer l’idéologie des acteurs au pouvoir (McAdam, 1996). Mais, un changement de gouvernement peut aussi réprimer une contestation (McAdam, 1996).
Dès lors, les actions militantes ont comme objectif de transformer la société en modifiant la politique d’un pays (McCarthy et Zald, 1973 ; Obershall, 1973 ; Tilly, 1978 ; McAdam, 1982). 

 

...Anticonsumerist activists oppose the business practices of companies, and criticise ordinary consumers, through a variety of individual and collective actions. From an individual perspective, anticonsumerist activists advocate a way of life based on voluntary simplicity (Zavestoski, 2002), refusing, for example, to buy certain brands of goods. From a collective point of view, anticonsumerist activists engage in a variety of actions, such as defacing advertisements, organising anticonsumerist festivals and boycotting businesses that are considered unethical. 

In this research, our objective is to understand theactions of anticonsumerist activists. In the literature, an initial approach is to analyse them within the framework of resource mobilisation theory. According to this theory, social movements criticise the structure of the state (Zald and McCarthy, 1973). The actions of activists are linked to a social movement whose the goal is to make changes to the policy of the state. The political structures within a society are considered to be essential for the emergence of a social movement. The development of activism is then conditioned by political opportunity (Tilly, 2004). For example, a change of government may lead to the development of a social movement. The social movement will then be better placed to change the ideology of the players in power (McAdam, 1996). But a change of government may also lead to the suppression of protest (McAdam, 1996). Therefore, the actions of activists aim to transform society by modifying overall public policy within a country (McCarthy and Zald, 1973; Obershall, 1973; Tilly, 1978; McAdam 1982). 

 


Extraits d'articles académiques (copy editing) :

We make use of Leonardi’s framework to analyse data collected from an 18-month ethnographic field study of a programme aimed at transforming the identity of employees into one of ‘internal consultants’. Our findings highlight that the programme can be analysed as two successive sociomaterial imbrications: firstly, the design of a technology which has the potential to orient the performance of the consultant identity; secondly, the implementation of this technology into a work routine which involves the performance of the consultant identity on daily basis, notably through required gestures and postures. Both the technology and the routine are imbrications of material and social components, including artefacts, sites, bodies as well as discourse. Thus, identity regulation is not only mediated by discourse about ‘who the employee should be’. It is also achieved through the required and repetivite identity performance involved in work routines and technology ‘in use’.

We make use of Leonardi’s framework to analyse data collected from an 18-month ethnographic field study of a programme aimed at transforming the identity of employees into one of ‘internal consultants’. Our findings highlight that the programme can be analysed as two successive sociomaterial imbrications: first, the design of a technology that has the potential to orientate the performance of the consultant identity; and second, the implementation of this technology into a work routine that involves the performance of the consultant identity on a daily basis, notably through required gestures and postures. Both the technology and the routine are imbrications of material and social components, including artefacts, sites and bodies, as well as discourse. Therefore, identity regulation is not only mediated by discourse about ‘who the employee should be’ but is also achieved through the required and repetitive identity performance involved in work routines and technology ‘in use’.


Modern Times, located in the field of fiction, gives us some important insights for thinking about the issue of resistance in the workplace. Especially, the case of the tramp as described above raises several key-issues about the way organization studies have generally understood the concept of resistance. Because the tramp’s experiences and activities contrasts radically with the most common forms of resistance described in the literature, this fictional detour offers an opportunity to ‘think differently’ in order to expand the limits of imagination in organizational research (Beyes, 2009; Hassard & Buchanan, 2009; Phillips & Zyglidopoulos, 1999). In contrast with theoretical and empirical standards, the fictional figure of the tramp invites us to conceive of a form of resistance which is both individual, unintentional, disorganized, but truly (basically, radically) subversive and political. To think of resistance in these terms presupposes to question commonly admitted keys for understanding in the field of organization studies on at least three dimensions: the resistance-power relationship, the role of intentionality in the process of (dis)organizing, and the political dimension of individual everyday resistance. 

Modern Times, while ultimately a work of fiction, provides important insights for thinking about the issue of resistance in the workplace. In particular, the story of the tramp described above raises several key-issues about the way organization studies have generally understood the concept of resistance. Because the tramp’s experiences and activities contrast radically with the most common forms of resistance described in the literature, this fictional detour offers us an opportunity to ‘think differently’ in order to expand the limits of what can be imagined in terms of organizational research (Beyes, 2009; Hassard & Buchanan, 2009; Phillips & Zyglidopoulos, 1999). In contrast with theoretical and empirical standards, the fictional figure of the tramp invites us to conceive of a form of resistance that is, at once, individual, unintentional, and disorganized but truly (basically and radically) subversive and political. Thinking about resistance in these terms presupposes the questioning of widely used approaches to understanding in the field of organization studies, on at least three levels: the resistance-power relationship, the role of intentionality in the process of (dis)organizing, and the political dimension of everyday individual resistance.